http://www.mercycorps.org/ The Latest Mercy Corps Commentary Content en-us (c) 2007 Mercy Corps http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss Tue, 19 Aug 2008 15:59:01 -0700 Charity Mercy Corps In-house CMS 60 http://www.mercycorps.org/ /images/donate/mercy_logo_red.gif http://www.mercycorps.org/ 136 48 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/1980/ Letter carriers will drop a whopping $1.1 billion into mailboxes across Oregon. The kicker arrives at a time of year when we're especially mindful of the needs of others. Fri, 07 Dec 2007 08:47:34 -0800 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/1787/ George Devendorf and Brian Grzelkowski argue that the most serious threat to Afghanistan is in the "unfulfilled aspirations of average Afghan citizens." Tue, 07 Aug 2007 06:20:36 -0700 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/1772/ Mercy Corps' Communications Director, Joy Portella comments on her recent experiences while visiting the agency's programs in Gaza. Wed, 11 Jul 2007 06:15:46 -0700 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/1642/ Eighteen months after Hurricane Katrina, New Orleans remains a city in crisis. Mon, 26 Feb 2007 08:26:15 -0800 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/1644/ This week, UN special envoy for Kosovo presented a plan for the "final status" of Kosovo and in the next few months. Thu, 08 Feb 2007 11:01:14 -0800 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/1643/ Deconstruction is an economically viable alternative to demolition in New Orleans. Thu, 30 Nov 2006 09:02:12 -0800 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/1434/ A Patrick Makokoro is an assistant project manager for Mercy Corps' HIVIDS program in his native Zimbabwe. Mon, 21 Aug 2006 11:13:42 -0700 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/1373/ Continued fighting and limited mobility for aid groups comprise a "recipe for a major humanitarian disaster," says Mercy Corps CEO Neal Keny-Guyer. Tue, 08 Aug 2006 11:33:08 -0700 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/1374/ Mercy Corps Director-at-Large Landrum Bolling finds disheartening similarities between this latest Mideast clash and when he survived in Beirut during Israel's 1982 bombardment. Mon, 24 Jul 2006 11:29:29 -0700 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/1357/ Mercy Corps CEO says escalating violence could create new humanitarian crises in Lebanon and elsewhere in the region. Tue, 18 Jul 2006 06:22:57 -0700 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/1332/ In the midst of escalating Mideast violence, there are courageous, independent-thinking individuals: Palestinians and Israelis, who are saying "Enough of this craziness. There is another way." Sat, 24 Jun 2006 11:02:14 -0700 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/1317/ The urge to censure Hamas by restricting the work of U.S. humanitarian agencies in the occupied Palestinian territory is short-sighted and ultimately counterproductive. Jim White, Mercy Corps' senior director of program operations, explains why. Thu, 15 Jun 2006 09:24:38 -0700 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/1197/ The hunger crisis in Niger, West Africa, might not be addressed until it's too late. The key to preventing famine is to act now to intervene early, says Mercy Corps Board Chair Bob Newell. Wed, 15 Mar 2006 10:41:42 -0800 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/1114/ Amman, Jordan - Recently, a diverse group of government officials from Shiite provinces in south-central Iraq came together here for an intensive weeklong workshop in conflict negotiation and problem-solving. There were no live reports on CNN. No banner headlines or congratulatory editorials. No discussion of the implications for President Bush's poll numbers. The quiet, down-to-earth deliberations we saw in conference rooms here could never compete with suicide bombings for public attention and media coverage. But they may just be a signal of better times to come in that tortured land. None of the participants had to attend, and no U.S. military or government officers were present. The words "nation building" or "spreading democracy" were never spoken, and there was no discussion of American policies and activities in the Middle East, for or against. For the 25 Iraqis and four American trainers who participated in this Mercy Corps training, it was a businesslike exploration of a broad range of practical management issues: how to negotiate oil-pricing contracts, how to cope with disputes between neighboring villages over access to scarce water supplies, how to calm angry enemies fighting over supposedly "non-negotiable" demands. The overarching theme of the workshop was learning how to analyze administrative difficulties; how to understand the nature of disputes; how to contain, manage and resolve conflicts. The trainers -- two lawyers, a Christian minister and a former college president -- had all worked closely with Roger Fisher, the Harvard professor and negotiation guru who is author of the best-selling guide to productive negotiations "Getting to Yes." There was a minimum of lecturing or moralizing or political speculation. Actual and theoretical cases of conflict were put on the table for dissection and "negotiation." Simulated games were played out, often with emotional intensity. Discussions were lively and free-wheeling. While the American facilitators tried deliberately to avoid discussion of the immediate conflicts within Iraq, the Iraqi participants inevitably kept coming up with references to their own difficulties -- and the relevance of the procedures under discussion. In the end, there was a unanimous request from the group for a longer follow-up workshop with explicit application of Fisher's methodology to real Iraqi problems. Just the other day, word came to me from two of the participants that some of the workshop techniques they had learned were tried out, with the agreement of a higher level government official who had asked for help in dealing with an inter-clan conflict that had already produced bloodshed. Representatives of the two sides were persuaded to sit down together and talk. Methodically, they went through the joint exercise of analyzing the problem, each side listening to the other, both seeking to understand the other's underlying interests, and searching for a mutually satisfactory deal both sides could live with. It worked. Not a massive breakthrough for peace, but surely an important lesson, a reason to have hope. The real question in Iraq today is whether the many unheralded efforts to build honest, capable administrative structures and authentic citizen participation can eventually replace violence and mayhem. There is still time -- but not much. [Editor's Note: This article originally appeared in The Oregonian] Mon, 06 Feb 2006 11:13:50 -0800 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/1034/ Mercy Corps Communications Director Jeremy Barnicle discusses the deteriorating situation in Sudan's troubled Darfur region and calls for increased international commitment and action. Tue, 25 Oct 2005 09:13:04 -0700 http://www.mercycorps.org/topics/hurricanekatrina/881/ Tempting as it may be, now is not the time to point fingers about the imperfect initial response to Hurricane Katrina. There will be plenty of time later to evaluate failures and apportion blame. Right now, all of our energies need to be focused on helping the victims of Katrina's ravages. They need our best effort. Over the course of a career dealing with the world's most tragic situations, I have seen the most amazing and transformative human enterprises emerge from the depths of despair and tragedy. In every disaster, we see outpourings of human courage, compassion and selflessness. The real challenge ahead — once lives have been saved and the situation stabilized — is crafting a recovery plan that exceeds in vision and hope what Katrina wrought in suffering and tragedy. We need a plan that reflects the very best of the American spirit, one that strengthens common bonds that have been strained by this hurricane. Here are some ideas: First, President Bush should immediately appoint a Katrina relief-and-recovery coordinator to oversee and lead our nation's response. This person needs to be a widely respected national figure with a reputation for nonpartisanship, action and integrity: Colin Powell, George Mitchell, a modern-day Herbert Hoover. The coordinator would ensure that federal resources are mobilized in a timely, nonbureaucratic manner; that mechanisms for coordination and accountability are put in place; and that a working, practical compact between government, the private sector and the nonprofit community is established. Second, we all need to recognize that those most affected by this disaster are the best agents of their own recovery. We need to find dignified ways to fully engage affected communities in the relief-and-recovery process — from planning responses and assisting in relief, cleanup and recovery efforts to evaluating the effectiveness of various initiatives. Those perpetrating the looting and lawlessness in New Orleans provide a special challenge. There are multiple and complex root causes for their various displays of anger and despair — not the least of which are unfathomable urban poverty and disenfranchisement. While Americans may debate solutions to these root causes, we can all agree on this: We need to find dignified ways to engage young, urban, mostly African-American people in the positive, hopeful experience of cleaning up and rebuilding their communities. As part of the recovery process, we need to give that group the skills and training to help now and to prepare for a brighter future. If we miss this opportunity, we fail an important test of social justice. Third, we need to promote ownership as a key theme in the recovery process. In several decades working on international development, I have learned one lesson above all others: Progress will never be durable if the target population does not feel strong ownership over the process. Finally, we need to practically and symbolically engage all of America in responding to Hurricane Katrina's devastating aftermath. Donations are necessary but not sufficient. As displaced families get resettled in communities all over America, local nonprofits, faith communities and civic organizations working with local government are the best clearinghouses for finding homes, essential services, schools and jobs. Airlines can freely transport these families. Local employers can commit to hiring 5 percent of new employees from among the resettled families. Local law firms can provide legal services. Vouchers can be worked out with local stores and outlets for the purchase of food, medicines and other vital goods. Our nation's major home and building supply companies — Home Depot, Lowe's and Wal-Mart, to name a few — can jump in with materials, supplies and technical help for repairs and rebuilding. Voluntary tutors and "big brothers and big sisters" can be organized for the children of Katrina. There is so much that America can do in so many ways to honor and help the survivors of Katrina. For any of us who cannot directly help, let us instead help the most vulnerable and suffering members of our own communities. In reference to the tsunami, former President Clinton challenged the world "to build back better." Let us challenge ourselves to respond to the Hurricane Katrina tragedy in ways that build back a better America. Neal Keny-Guyer is Mercy Corps' CEO. [Editor's note: This editorial originally appeared in the Seattle Times] Thu, 15 Sep 2005 06:00:29 -0700 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/700/ Mercy Corps Founder encourages people to reflect and act on behalf of the voiceless multitudes who have fled across borders to escape persecution and who deserve international protection. Mon, 20 Jun 2005 10:51:17 -0700 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/699/ Mercy Corps CEO Neal Keny-Guyer exhorts the 2005 graduating class of Portland State University to look at global challenges "through a humanitarian lens." Thu, 16 Jun 2005 07:47:51 -0700 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/577/ Landrum Bolling speaks about the Israeli-Palestinian peace procress. Sat, 26 Feb 2005 10:59:56 -0800 http://www.mercycorps.org/aboutus/commentary/574/ When I drafted "Sudan's Perfect War," it was the summer of 2001. The thesis of the article was that Sudan's 18-year-old war could easily go on forever without outside intervention. When oil came on line in 1999, the war was in effect made perfect: oil revenues could pay for the war, and the war itself was necessary to take and hold the land from which the oil came. Moreover, oil made Sudan less dependent on the world's rogue nations for material support, while earning it friends among oil-dependent states, including some members of the Security Council. There was a danger that international pressure to resolve the war would dissipate. U.S. policy toward Sudan was teetering. The Clinton administration had sent cruise missiles. The Bush administration had sent a special envoy. The religious right pushed for arming the south to overthrow the regime in Khartoum, the oil industry pushed for engaging the regime. The attacks of September 11 forced me to rewrite the article before it was published. The emerging war on terrorism changed the scenario for Sudan. The Bush administration began to engage the Khartoum regime by appointing John Danforth as its special envoy to Sudan. And the war on terrorism -- with so many of its roots in Afghanistan, whose faulty peace process had been abandoned by the United States in 1993 -- led many policymakers to conclude that countries like Sudan could not be left to fester. Sudan was already under U.S. and UN sanctions for its support of terrorist groups in the mid-1990s, but it appeared to be on the mend. Yet, in the midst of all other international turmoil over the ensuing three years, Washington redoubled efforts to nurture the Sudan peace process, actively engaging with other nations in the process. The agreement that was signed on January 9, 2005, is a testament to that effort. But wars that have lasted for generations are not brought to a close with the signing of a peace agreement. The Afghan peace agreement of 1992 only began what was to be a long process of confidence-building; it unraveled within a year, sending the country into another decade of war and allowing the emergence of the Taliban regime. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 demonstrated the fragility of the prior Hutu-Tutsi reconciliation there. Sudan itself had already seen 18 years of north-south conflict before an agreement was reached in 1973. Then, ten years later the central government unilaterally abrogated the agreement's core tenets, leading to another 22 years of war. The point should be clear: the signing of the Sudan Comprehensive Peace Act last week is the beginning, not the end, of the peace process. Building a sustainable peace in Sudan will require ongoing diplomatic engagement and coordinated, balanced development assistance. There are many challenges ahead. The war has been fought primarily through proxies who are not signatories to the agreement. How will they be demobilized? The agreement includes a referendum for southern independence after six years. Will Washington use its development assistance to foster national unity or southern independence? A war rages on in Darfur that has displaced 1.8 million Sudanese. How can Washington provide peace dividends for the north-south agreement while applying pressure for a resolution to the Darfur crisis? The United States has been a generous contributor of humanitarian assistance to Sudan, but will that commitment be sustained in an austere fiscal environment with massive demands for reconstruction in Iraq, tsunami relief, and who knows what other international calamity that awaits? The questions go on: are we ready to upgrade our diplomatic presence, rescind sanctions, consider debt relief, contribute to a peacekeeping effort? For all the enormity of the achievement that is the Sudan Comprehensive Peace Act, it is only a cornerstone. Continued engagement and support will be essential to the construction of lasting peace. This article appeared on the website of Wed, 19 Jan 2005 11:15:22 -0800